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Monday, April 24, 2023
Afghan withdrawal would be folly
At the base of the 1st Battalion 5th US Marine Expeditionary Brigade at Garamsir in south Helmand they have a slogan on their T-shirts guaranteed to enrage Caroline Lucas and Simon Jenkins, two of Cif's most recent commentators on Afghanistan.
"Just do Marja" it reads. Marja is a quilt of small fertile plots just south and west of Lashkar Gah, the current provincial capital of Helmand. Like the irrigation channels that feed the fields of Marja, Lashkar Gah is largely the creation of a huge project by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) that made Helmand the bread basket of Afghanistan, and a magnet for tourism even.
Marja has become one of the big poppy growing plots of the world. Today it is largely under Taliban control, who run their "parallel government" there by night – which means robbing the farmers in the name of Islamic taxation, closing schools and demanding tribute in food, warm clothing, and young recruits for their jihad. It is also a centre for assembling IED roadside bombs, which they lay with astonishing deftness and speed.
Marja will be the first target of the Marine Expeditionary Unit now expected here before Christmas as a result of President Obama's anticipated announcement that he will send an extra 30,000 US military personnel to Afghanistan for the next two years. Squeezing Taliban out of Marja, and then Nad-e-Ali to the north, will remove the threat to commerce and farming along the west bank of the Helmand river.
Lashkar Gah is thriving and buzzing, compared with two years ago, when I was last here. The bazaars are booming full of all kinds of produce, a new line in iron bedsteads, small wheat-milling machines, and hundreds of motorbikes – most made in kits in China and assembled in Iran. Farmers and merchants now travel to Gereshk to the north and to Kandahar, less than three hours away. They say the roads are pretty safe, bar the risk of the odd rogue roadblock manned by Taliban or renegade Afghan police.
Lashkar Gah is at the centre of a security bubble or "protected development area" – a key concept of the "ink spot" approach of counter-insurgency theory and practice, recently retooled by General Stanley McChrystal. You take the main centres, such as Lashkar Gah, Garmsir, Gereshk and Musa Qala in Helmand, and protect them with international and then local forces. Confidence and commerce grow, and in time the different areas link together.
The problem, however, is that Afghanistan today defies all such generalities: the whole story is a patchwork quilt, a mosaic, of quirky and contradictory detail. Security and commerce, and even schooling and health, are visibly improving in many parts of Helmand, till now dubbed Afghanistan's most violent province. The Americans and the British are not being "defeated", though they are facing casualties. But to declare any kind of victory would be daft and dangerous. While there are signs of improvement in Helmand, elsewhere there is more than enough evidence that things are getting worse – as Carlotta Gall's report from Kunduz in today's New York Times highlights.
The McChrystal counter-insurgency is already being implemented, and showing signs of working particularly here in central Helmand. Roads are being secured, clinics and schools opened, courts and local councils set up. Communities are swinging from Taliban loyalty to supporting the government, but after nearly 50 years of war and violence they're hedging their bets. Almost all generalisations from the pundits and panjandrums in London, Washington an all points north seem vapid before the complexity of the facts here on the ground.
This struck most forcibly when yesterday I visited Nawa, between Lashkar Gah and Garmsir. It's not so much a one-horse town as a one-ditch town, with its bazaar strung out on a dirt and tarmac track alongside a slow-running, but remarkably clear irrigation ditch.
Until June the place was home to 60 British soldiers training a company of Afghan army troops. They were holed up in the barracks where they exchanged fire with Taliban in the surrounding orchards and bazaar on a daily basis. Last July the US marines arrived, staked out the place with a company of 300 troops, and a fortnight later drove the Taliban off with a full battalion attack of more than 1,000 ground forces with air and helicopter support.
Today the bazaar is booming. On the eve of Eid, the festival of joy and celebration at the end of the hajj, more than 80 shops were open – the Taliban had closed all but about six – selling fresh fruit, sweets, mobile phones, and the electricity from a sun panel to power them. The township has its own community council. But seven weeks ago the Taliban kidnapped its head, then executed him out in the desert, and shot two other councillors in their office. At first the rest of the council stayed away, but lately most meetings get a quorum of 25 out of the remaining 42.
"Every day of peace is like Eid," Haj Mohammed Khan, the clerk to the council told me. He continued:
The marines brought peace because the British didn't have the numbers. If you go away again, the violence will be much worse. There will be a disaster, the world will come here again to fight in a really big war.
You left twice before – and let in the mujahideen and what came after. This time it will be far worse.
His words had a strange echo from Captain Brian Huysman of Charlie Company, 1st Battalion 5th Marines, whose 70 men are helping the rebuilding and renovation of the council offices and barracks at Nawa. He was asked by a colleague to compare his experience of Helmand with two tours in Iraq at Fallujah and then running a community centre for five months of 2005 in Ramadi ("a complete failure" in his words). He said:
At least I get the feeling we're winning, which I didn't there. The answer is in the approach to the people, getting in among the people, and here we eat in the bazaar every day. Get the approach right and then the force numbers right, that's the key.
"Yes, and that's the way we will be doing things for the next 15 or 20 years, and it's what every grunt and general needs to learn now," added his colleague Major Val Jackson, a US marines civil affairs officer.
Nawa, last year the heart of Helmand darkness, now seems to point the way to the future for the Afghans here, and to how the international support agencies, not just the military, can help and then get out.
The problems are still complex and enormous, not least the issues raised by the complexion of the Karzai administration, its legitimacy and the corrosive nature of the drugs trade. But there are signs of forward momentum, and this should be helped by the modest reinforcements of troops and aid due to be announced next week. The task has been likened to by an NGO colleague to her experiences in working in Cambodia after the psychopathic rule of the Khmer Rouge. "So much was completely broken here by the mujahideen civil war and then the Taliban."
To quit now, as Jenkins and Lucas recommend, would be sheer folly – and a folly which would have direct impact on homeland Europe, UK and America even. I agree with Jenkins on one thing: Whitehall, Westminster and large parts of Washington are blanketed in a cloud of passivity and pessimism about Afghanistan. The complexities of the picture on the ground elude commentators who come her in flying visits with high powered delegations of high powered ambassadors and generals, whose helicopter wheels let alone feet barely touch the ground.
Afghanistan could still go either way, but the indicators from my snapshot visits round Helmand this past week are not all negative. The problem is that the argument is likely to be won and lost in the dining rooms of London and Washington and not in the fields and bazaars of Afghanistan. This is being conditioned by the enormous gap of perception between the metropolitan commentators at home and the reporters and workers out on the ground here. We are not so much worlds apart, but operating on different planets.
Article Source
"Just do Marja" it reads. Marja is a quilt of small fertile plots just south and west of Lashkar Gah, the current provincial capital of Helmand. Like the irrigation channels that feed the fields of Marja, Lashkar Gah is largely the creation of a huge project by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) that made Helmand the bread basket of Afghanistan, and a magnet for tourism even.
Marja has become one of the big poppy growing plots of the world. Today it is largely under Taliban control, who run their "parallel government" there by night – which means robbing the farmers in the name of Islamic taxation, closing schools and demanding tribute in food, warm clothing, and young recruits for their jihad. It is also a centre for assembling IED roadside bombs, which they lay with astonishing deftness and speed.
Marja will be the first target of the Marine Expeditionary Unit now expected here before Christmas as a result of President Obama's anticipated announcement that he will send an extra 30,000 US military personnel to Afghanistan for the next two years. Squeezing Taliban out of Marja, and then Nad-e-Ali to the north, will remove the threat to commerce and farming along the west bank of the Helmand river.
Lashkar Gah is thriving and buzzing, compared with two years ago, when I was last here. The bazaars are booming full of all kinds of produce, a new line in iron bedsteads, small wheat-milling machines, and hundreds of motorbikes – most made in kits in China and assembled in Iran. Farmers and merchants now travel to Gereshk to the north and to Kandahar, less than three hours away. They say the roads are pretty safe, bar the risk of the odd rogue roadblock manned by Taliban or renegade Afghan police.
Lashkar Gah is at the centre of a security bubble or "protected development area" – a key concept of the "ink spot" approach of counter-insurgency theory and practice, recently retooled by General Stanley McChrystal. You take the main centres, such as Lashkar Gah, Garmsir, Gereshk and Musa Qala in Helmand, and protect them with international and then local forces. Confidence and commerce grow, and in time the different areas link together.
The problem, however, is that Afghanistan today defies all such generalities: the whole story is a patchwork quilt, a mosaic, of quirky and contradictory detail. Security and commerce, and even schooling and health, are visibly improving in many parts of Helmand, till now dubbed Afghanistan's most violent province. The Americans and the British are not being "defeated", though they are facing casualties. But to declare any kind of victory would be daft and dangerous. While there are signs of improvement in Helmand, elsewhere there is more than enough evidence that things are getting worse – as Carlotta Gall's report from Kunduz in today's New York Times highlights.
The McChrystal counter-insurgency is already being implemented, and showing signs of working particularly here in central Helmand. Roads are being secured, clinics and schools opened, courts and local councils set up. Communities are swinging from Taliban loyalty to supporting the government, but after nearly 50 years of war and violence they're hedging their bets. Almost all generalisations from the pundits and panjandrums in London, Washington an all points north seem vapid before the complexity of the facts here on the ground.
This struck most forcibly when yesterday I visited Nawa, between Lashkar Gah and Garmsir. It's not so much a one-horse town as a one-ditch town, with its bazaar strung out on a dirt and tarmac track alongside a slow-running, but remarkably clear irrigation ditch.
Until June the place was home to 60 British soldiers training a company of Afghan army troops. They were holed up in the barracks where they exchanged fire with Taliban in the surrounding orchards and bazaar on a daily basis. Last July the US marines arrived, staked out the place with a company of 300 troops, and a fortnight later drove the Taliban off with a full battalion attack of more than 1,000 ground forces with air and helicopter support.
Today the bazaar is booming. On the eve of Eid, the festival of joy and celebration at the end of the hajj, more than 80 shops were open – the Taliban had closed all but about six – selling fresh fruit, sweets, mobile phones, and the electricity from a sun panel to power them. The township has its own community council. But seven weeks ago the Taliban kidnapped its head, then executed him out in the desert, and shot two other councillors in their office. At first the rest of the council stayed away, but lately most meetings get a quorum of 25 out of the remaining 42.
"Every day of peace is like Eid," Haj Mohammed Khan, the clerk to the council told me. He continued:
The marines brought peace because the British didn't have the numbers. If you go away again, the violence will be much worse. There will be a disaster, the world will come here again to fight in a really big war.
You left twice before – and let in the mujahideen and what came after. This time it will be far worse.
His words had a strange echo from Captain Brian Huysman of Charlie Company, 1st Battalion 5th Marines, whose 70 men are helping the rebuilding and renovation of the council offices and barracks at Nawa. He was asked by a colleague to compare his experience of Helmand with two tours in Iraq at Fallujah and then running a community centre for five months of 2005 in Ramadi ("a complete failure" in his words). He said:
At least I get the feeling we're winning, which I didn't there. The answer is in the approach to the people, getting in among the people, and here we eat in the bazaar every day. Get the approach right and then the force numbers right, that's the key.
"Yes, and that's the way we will be doing things for the next 15 or 20 years, and it's what every grunt and general needs to learn now," added his colleague Major Val Jackson, a US marines civil affairs officer.
Nawa, last year the heart of Helmand darkness, now seems to point the way to the future for the Afghans here, and to how the international support agencies, not just the military, can help and then get out.
The problems are still complex and enormous, not least the issues raised by the complexion of the Karzai administration, its legitimacy and the corrosive nature of the drugs trade. But there are signs of forward momentum, and this should be helped by the modest reinforcements of troops and aid due to be announced next week. The task has been likened to by an NGO colleague to her experiences in working in Cambodia after the psychopathic rule of the Khmer Rouge. "So much was completely broken here by the mujahideen civil war and then the Taliban."
To quit now, as Jenkins and Lucas recommend, would be sheer folly – and a folly which would have direct impact on homeland Europe, UK and America even. I agree with Jenkins on one thing: Whitehall, Westminster and large parts of Washington are blanketed in a cloud of passivity and pessimism about Afghanistan. The complexities of the picture on the ground elude commentators who come her in flying visits with high powered delegations of high powered ambassadors and generals, whose helicopter wheels let alone feet barely touch the ground.
Afghanistan could still go either way, but the indicators from my snapshot visits round Helmand this past week are not all negative. The problem is that the argument is likely to be won and lost in the dining rooms of London and Washington and not in the fields and bazaars of Afghanistan. This is being conditioned by the enormous gap of perception between the metropolitan commentators at home and the reporters and workers out on the ground here. We are not so much worlds apart, but operating on different planets.
Article Source
West fears Iran may reverse-engineer S-300 system
MP Mohammad Karami-Rad has stated that the West is afraid that Iran may reverse-engineer the S-300 missile system.
The Westerners are afraid that Iran may begin producing its own version of the S-300 missile system and thus increase its military might, he said on Saturday.
Karami-Rad, who is also a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said that certain Western countries are trying to scupper contracts signed by Tehran and Moscow, which should have been implemented six months ago.
The MP advised Russian officials to not allow the Westerners to undermine ties between Tehran and Moscow.
West impeding delivery of S-300 missiles
MP Hassan Sobhaninia says that the West is impeding the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
“The United States and certain Western countries are afraid that the contracts between Iran and Russia in the economic, political, and military spheres will increase Iran’s political and military might. Thus, they are making efforts to impede the implementation of these contracts,” Sobhaninia told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
The Islamic Republic of Iran can greatly enhance its military might with these missiles, and this has made Westerners worried, said the MP, who is a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee.
Sobhaninia also stated that Iran and Russia are cooperating on a variety of issues, including civilian nuclear technology.
The S-300 system, which can track targets and fire at aircraft 120 kilometers (75 miles) away, features high jamming immunity and is able to simultaneously engage up to 100 targets.
The truck-mounted S-300PMU1, known in the West as the SA-20, can shoot down cruise missiles and aircraft. It can fire at targets up to 150 km (90 miles) away and travel at more than two km per second.
Russia’s image would be tarnished by delay in delivery of S-300 system
The Iranian chairman of the Iran-Russia Parliamentary Friendship Group stated that a delay in delivering the S-300 missiles would tarnish Russia’s image in Iran.
MP Mahdi Sanaei made the remarks in an interview with ISNA on Saturday.
He stated that other countries will no longer trust Russia if it does not fulfill its commitments in regard to the contract for the S-300 system.
Iran should not put all its eggs in one basket in its foreign policy by relying too much on Russia because Russia is not dependable, Sanaei added.
Moscow should heed public opinion in Iran
Political analyst and university professor Mahdi Motahharnia has said that Russia should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran.
“If Russia is concerned about its long-term interests in the region, it should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran about its policies on Iran,” he told ISNA on Saturday.
Motahharnia stated that public opinion in Iran has become sensitive to Russia’s policies on Iran, and more and more Iranians are beginning to believe that Russia is not honest in its dealings with Iran.
Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in near future
Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee Chairman Alaeddin Boroujerdi has said that Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in the near future.
Nevertheless, the Russians should still fulfill their commitments, he told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
He also urged Russia to fulfill its commitments and to stop delaying the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
Boroujerdi stated that he recently had a meeting with the Russian ambassador to Iran and the ambassador agreed that both sides should fulfill their commitments.
Elsewhere in his remarks, the MP said that Russia should also complete the Bushehr nuclear power plant by the end of the Iranian calendar year (March 20, 2010)
Article Sourcetehrantimes.com
The Westerners are afraid that Iran may begin producing its own version of the S-300 missile system and thus increase its military might, he said on Saturday.
Karami-Rad, who is also a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said that certain Western countries are trying to scupper contracts signed by Tehran and Moscow, which should have been implemented six months ago.
The MP advised Russian officials to not allow the Westerners to undermine ties between Tehran and Moscow.
West impeding delivery of S-300 missiles
MP Hassan Sobhaninia says that the West is impeding the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
“The United States and certain Western countries are afraid that the contracts between Iran and Russia in the economic, political, and military spheres will increase Iran’s political and military might. Thus, they are making efforts to impede the implementation of these contracts,” Sobhaninia told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
The Islamic Republic of Iran can greatly enhance its military might with these missiles, and this has made Westerners worried, said the MP, who is a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee.
Sobhaninia also stated that Iran and Russia are cooperating on a variety of issues, including civilian nuclear technology.
The S-300 system, which can track targets and fire at aircraft 120 kilometers (75 miles) away, features high jamming immunity and is able to simultaneously engage up to 100 targets.
The truck-mounted S-300PMU1, known in the West as the SA-20, can shoot down cruise missiles and aircraft. It can fire at targets up to 150 km (90 miles) away and travel at more than two km per second.
Russia’s image would be tarnished by delay in delivery of S-300 system
The Iranian chairman of the Iran-Russia Parliamentary Friendship Group stated that a delay in delivering the S-300 missiles would tarnish Russia’s image in Iran.
MP Mahdi Sanaei made the remarks in an interview with ISNA on Saturday.
He stated that other countries will no longer trust Russia if it does not fulfill its commitments in regard to the contract for the S-300 system.
Iran should not put all its eggs in one basket in its foreign policy by relying too much on Russia because Russia is not dependable, Sanaei added.
Moscow should heed public opinion in Iran
Political analyst and university professor Mahdi Motahharnia has said that Russia should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran.
“If Russia is concerned about its long-term interests in the region, it should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran about its policies on Iran,” he told ISNA on Saturday.
Motahharnia stated that public opinion in Iran has become sensitive to Russia’s policies on Iran, and more and more Iranians are beginning to believe that Russia is not honest in its dealings with Iran.
Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in near future
Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee Chairman Alaeddin Boroujerdi has said that Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in the near future.
Nevertheless, the Russians should still fulfill their commitments, he told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
He also urged Russia to fulfill its commitments and to stop delaying the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
Boroujerdi stated that he recently had a meeting with the Russian ambassador to Iran and the ambassador agreed that both sides should fulfill their commitments.
Elsewhere in his remarks, the MP said that Russia should also complete the Bushehr nuclear power plant by the end of the Iranian calendar year (March 20, 2010)
Article Sourcetehrantimes.com
Tehran developing ties with Africa and Latin America to get support for its nuclear programme
Ahmadinejad is in Caracas, fourth leg of a five-nation tour (Gambia, Brazil, Bolivia, Venezuela and Senegal). The Iranian president is promoting closer bilateral cooperation and seeking support for his country’s nuclear programme. The visit triggers protests by Venezuelan Jews; for them, he is an “ominous” figure.
Caracas (AsiaNews/Agencies) – Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad arrived in Caracas (Venezuela) today on a five-day tour of Latin America and Africa to promote economic cooperation and trade as well as gain support for his country’s controversial nuclear programme. So far, he has visited Gambia, Brazil and Bolivia, and is expected to travel to Senegal, the last stop before his flight home.
Venezuelan authorities gave the Iranian leader the red carpet ceremony. Ahmadinejad and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez are both critics of the “imperialist” policies of the United States and Israel. During their summit, they plan to discuss ways to strengthen bilateral relations.
Iran’s official news agency, IRNA, said that Tehran and Caracas have already signed 280 agreements, 80 joint projects in the areas of energy, industry and agriculture. The two sides have also agreed to a new visa system. Venezuela will also support Iran’s controversial nuclear programme.
Caracas has accepted Tehran’s contention that it is for peaceful purposes. Both capitals reject Western claims that Iran’s nuclear programme masks plans to build an atomic bomb.
The visit by the Iranian president in Venezuela has led to protests by the local Jewish community, who call him an “ominous” figure who “could cause serious harm to humanity” if not stopped.
For a Jewish group said, the summit “gives legitimacy to a regime about which there are serious doubts over its transparency and legality”.
In previous days, Ahmadinejad got the green light on the nuclear issue from Brazil and Bolivia.
Bolivian President Evo Morales recognised “the legitimate right of all countries to use and develop nuclear energy for peaceful ends.”
The leaders of Iran and Bolivia also signed a deal increasing Iran's involvement in mining research in Bolivia's Salar de Uyuni, a vast salt desert near the Chilean border with the largest lithium deposits in the world, containing up to 100 million tonnes of the metal.
Article Sourceasianews.it
Caracas (AsiaNews/Agencies) – Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad arrived in Caracas (Venezuela) today on a five-day tour of Latin America and Africa to promote economic cooperation and trade as well as gain support for his country’s controversial nuclear programme. So far, he has visited Gambia, Brazil and Bolivia, and is expected to travel to Senegal, the last stop before his flight home.
Venezuelan authorities gave the Iranian leader the red carpet ceremony. Ahmadinejad and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez are both critics of the “imperialist” policies of the United States and Israel. During their summit, they plan to discuss ways to strengthen bilateral relations.
Iran’s official news agency, IRNA, said that Tehran and Caracas have already signed 280 agreements, 80 joint projects in the areas of energy, industry and agriculture. The two sides have also agreed to a new visa system. Venezuela will also support Iran’s controversial nuclear programme.
Caracas has accepted Tehran’s contention that it is for peaceful purposes. Both capitals reject Western claims that Iran’s nuclear programme masks plans to build an atomic bomb.
The visit by the Iranian president in Venezuela has led to protests by the local Jewish community, who call him an “ominous” figure who “could cause serious harm to humanity” if not stopped.
For a Jewish group said, the summit “gives legitimacy to a regime about which there are serious doubts over its transparency and legality”.
In previous days, Ahmadinejad got the green light on the nuclear issue from Brazil and Bolivia.
Bolivian President Evo Morales recognised “the legitimate right of all countries to use and develop nuclear energy for peaceful ends.”
The leaders of Iran and Bolivia also signed a deal increasing Iran's involvement in mining research in Bolivia's Salar de Uyuni, a vast salt desert near the Chilean border with the largest lithium deposits in the world, containing up to 100 million tonnes of the metal.
Article Sourceasianews.it
Victoria and Albert Museum and Iran Heritage Foundation announce the creation of a new post
The V&A Museum and Iran Heritage Foundation are delighted to announce that Dr. Moya Carey will become the Iran Heritage Foundation Curator, Iran Collections, in the Asian Department of the V&A. This new curatorial role is one of a series of positions created as part of Iran Heritage Foundation's new programme of developing strategic partnerships with major academic and cultural organisations.
"Dr. Carey brings a wonderful combination of expertise, imagination and an in-depth knowledge of Iranian art and culture," said newly appointed Iran Heritage Foundation Executive Director, Dr. Ladan Akbarnia. "Coming from a curatorial background myself, I am particularly excited about this important position and I look forward to supporting Dr. Carey in her new role."
Of Dr. Carey's appointment, Mark Jones, Director of the V&A, said: "The V&A and Iran Heritage Foundation have a long history of collaboration. The appointment of Dr. Carey was made possible through a generous grant from the Iran Heritage Foundation and will enable the V&A, for the first time, to devote the resources of a full time curator to its considerable Iranian collections."
About Dr Moya Carey
Dr Carey earned her doctorate from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London in 2001. Since then, she has worked for a number of organisations with important Iranian collections, including the Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection in Geneva, the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin and the British Museum in London; she has also taught at university level at Aga Khan University, SOAS, and at the Sotheby's Institute and Birkbeck College.
About the Iran Heritage Foundation
The Iran Heritage Foundation is a UK registered charity and the leading supporter of Iranian studies in the UK. It promotes academic research through fellowships, grants, scholarships and publications. In association with museums and leading institutions, the Iran Heritage Foundation organises exhibitions and convenes conferences on the history and contemporary culture of Iran.
Since its inception in 1995, the Iran Heritage Foundation has organised or supported 40 conferences, 36 multi disciplinary events and exhibitions, and 62 film and performing arts festivals and events. It has facilitated the study and understanding of Iran's history and contemporary culture through 59 academic and travel grants, 65 cultural and academic publications, and 7 university fellowships. Previous events include 'Shah 'Abbas: The Remaking of Iran' at the British Museum, 2009; 'Iran: New Voices' at the Contemporary Iranian Theatre, Film and Video Art Festival, Barbican, 2009; 'Iranian Contemporary Art and Culture' - the first ever exhibition of contemporary Iranian art in Europe - at the Barbican, 2001; and 'Women: The Heart of Iranian Cinema' at the Film Festival and Conference, BFI, 2002.
www.iranheritage.org
About Victoria and Albert Museum
The V&A is the world's greatest museum of art and design with collections unrivalled in their scope and diversity. It was established to make works of art available to all and to inspire British designers and manufacturers. Today, the V&A's collections, which span over 2000 years of human creativity in virtually every medium and from many parts of the world, continue to intrigue, inspire and inform. The V&A has one of the most extensive and renowned Middle East collections in the world with an extensive Iranian component.
Article Source
"Dr. Carey brings a wonderful combination of expertise, imagination and an in-depth knowledge of Iranian art and culture," said newly appointed Iran Heritage Foundation Executive Director, Dr. Ladan Akbarnia. "Coming from a curatorial background myself, I am particularly excited about this important position and I look forward to supporting Dr. Carey in her new role."
Of Dr. Carey's appointment, Mark Jones, Director of the V&A, said: "The V&A and Iran Heritage Foundation have a long history of collaboration. The appointment of Dr. Carey was made possible through a generous grant from the Iran Heritage Foundation and will enable the V&A, for the first time, to devote the resources of a full time curator to its considerable Iranian collections."
About Dr Moya Carey
Dr Carey earned her doctorate from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London in 2001. Since then, she has worked for a number of organisations with important Iranian collections, including the Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection in Geneva, the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin and the British Museum in London; she has also taught at university level at Aga Khan University, SOAS, and at the Sotheby's Institute and Birkbeck College.
About the Iran Heritage Foundation
The Iran Heritage Foundation is a UK registered charity and the leading supporter of Iranian studies in the UK. It promotes academic research through fellowships, grants, scholarships and publications. In association with museums and leading institutions, the Iran Heritage Foundation organises exhibitions and convenes conferences on the history and contemporary culture of Iran.
Since its inception in 1995, the Iran Heritage Foundation has organised or supported 40 conferences, 36 multi disciplinary events and exhibitions, and 62 film and performing arts festivals and events. It has facilitated the study and understanding of Iran's history and contemporary culture through 59 academic and travel grants, 65 cultural and academic publications, and 7 university fellowships. Previous events include 'Shah 'Abbas: The Remaking of Iran' at the British Museum, 2009; 'Iran: New Voices' at the Contemporary Iranian Theatre, Film and Video Art Festival, Barbican, 2009; 'Iranian Contemporary Art and Culture' - the first ever exhibition of contemporary Iranian art in Europe - at the Barbican, 2001; and 'Women: The Heart of Iranian Cinema' at the Film Festival and Conference, BFI, 2002.
www.iranheritage.org
About Victoria and Albert Museum
The V&A is the world's greatest museum of art and design with collections unrivalled in their scope and diversity. It was established to make works of art available to all and to inspire British designers and manufacturers. Today, the V&A's collections, which span over 2000 years of human creativity in virtually every medium and from many parts of the world, continue to intrigue, inspire and inform. The V&A has one of the most extensive and renowned Middle East collections in the world with an extensive Iranian component.
Article Source
Friday, August 19, 2022
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Saturday, May 28, 2011
Iran Vows to Unplug Internet?
Wall Street Journal' reports Islamic Republic intensifying "soft war" against western culture and influence spread through web.
A project to set up a "national" internet is underway in Iran, a move that would serve to disconnect the Islamic Republic from the rest of the world, The Wall Street Journal reported on Saturday.
The internal network, which experts see as a way for Iran to end the regime's fight for control of the internet, is expected to extend to the entire country within two years time.
The ambitious internet plan is not without its difficulties. Such a closed off system could stunt investment opportunities with other censor-minded nations such as Russia and China. It will also immediately create a technology information dearth, boosting a need to reinvent the wheel for now seemingly mundane activities, such as pulling up Google to perform a search.
Estimates place around 11 of every 100 Iranians as internet users, making their famously interactive blogging culture one of the most vibrant in the Middle East. In the early days of Iranian internet use in the 1990s, leaders encouraged citizens to log on and spread their own brand of Islamic ideology. Recent counter movements in the country, stoked by Twitter, have the country’s social engineers now on the defensive.
Such products are designed primarily to combat malware and viruses, but can be used to block other things, such as websites. Iranian officials several years ago designed their own filtering system—based on what they learned from the illegally obtained U.S. products—so they could service and upgrade it on their own, according to the Iranian engineers.
A Fortinet spokesman said he was unaware of any company products in Iran, adding that the company doesn't sell to embargoed countries, nor do its resellers. McAfee Inc., which owns Secure Computing, said no contract or support was provided to Iran. Intel Corp. recently bought McAfee, which added that it can now disable its technology obtained by embargoed countries. A Juniper spokesman said the company has a "strict policy of compliance with U.S. export law," and hasn't sold products to Iran.
The notion of an Iran-only Internet emerged in 2005 when Mr. Ahmadinejad became president. Officials experimented with pilot programs using a closed network serving more than 3,000 Iranian public schools as well as 400 local offices of the education ministry.
The government in 2008 allocated $1 billion to continue building the needed infrastructure. "The national Internet will not limit access for users," Abdolmajid Riazi, then-deputy director of communication technology in the ministry of telecommunications, said of the project that year. "It will instead empower Iran and protect its society from cultural invasion and threats."
Iran's government has also argued that an Iranian Internet would be cheaper for users. Replacing international data traffic with domestic traffic could cut down on hefty international telecom costs.
The widespread violence following Iran's deeply divisive presidential election in June 2009 exposed the limits of Iran's Internet control—strengthening the case for replacing the normal Internet with a closed, domestic version. In one of the most dramatic moments of the crisis, video showing the apparent shooting death of a female student, Neda Agha-Soltan, circulated globally and nearly in real time.
The new network will be compliant with Islamic Law, "a genuinely halal network," according to Ali Aghamohammadi, Iran's head of economic affairs.
Aghamohammadi added that the new network would initially work alongside the normal internet but could eventually replace the world wide web, not only in Iran, but in other Muslim countries as well.
The Stuxnet computer worm, which reportedly set back Iran's nuclear program pushed the regime to accelerate the internal internet initiative.
Iran nuclear envoy dismissive of sanctions
Russia is not ready to accept the logic for new sanctions against the country, Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov said, Ria Novosti reported.
Washington and its western allies accuse Iran of trying to develop nuclear weapons under the cover of a civilian nuclear program, while they have never presented any corroborative evidence to substantiate their allegations. Iran denies the charges and insists that its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes only.
Tehran stresses that the country has always pursued a civilian path to provide power to the growing number of Iranian population, whose fossil fuel would eventually run dry.
Despite the rules enshrined in the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) entitling every member state, including Iran, to the right of uranium enrichment, Tehran is now under four rounds of UN Security Council sanctions for turning down West's calls to give up its right of uranium enrichment.
Tehran has dismissed West's demands as politically tainted and illogical, stressing that sanctions and pressures merely consolidate Iranians' national resolve to continue the path.
Iran insists that it should continue enriching uranium because it needs to provide fuel to a 300-megawatt light-water reactor it is building in the southwestern town of Darkhoveyn as well as its first nuclear power plant in the Southern port city of Bushehr.
Iran currently suffers from an electricity shortage that has forced the country into adopting a rationing program by scheduling power outages - of up to two hours a day - across both urban and rural areas.
Earlier this month, a report by U.N. experts said Iran is continuing to use front companies and other concealment methods to circumvent U.N. sanctions but that the bans have succeeded in slowing its nuclear and ballistic missile program.
"Please be assured that none of the sanctions has affected our nuclear activities," Soltanieh said in what he described as a message to the EU and diplomats in New York, home of the U.N. Security Council.
Instead, "you are harming Iranian passengers," Soltanieh alleged.
Soltanieh implied that the Stuxnet computer virus that affected some centrifuges at its main enrichment facility in the central city of Natanz had little effect on its nuclear work. Scientists immediately worked on antivirus software to protect against the malware, which Tehran blames on the United States and Israel, he said.
"No matter what, the Iranian people are more determined to continue," Soltanieh said.
He commented during a discussion of Iran's nuclear capabilities at Vienna's Diplomatic Academy just days after the IAEA said in a restricted report that it has received new information alleging that Tehran my be working on a nuclear weapons program.
In other remarks Friday, Soltanieh insisted Iran doesn't want nuclear weapons.
"Are we hiding anything? No!" he said.
If that's the case, then Iran should fully cooperate with international community, said Germany's envoy to the IAEA, Ruediger Luedeking, who also participated in the discussion.
"Iran is not ready to address squarely the nuclear issue and that is something that needs to be addressed.
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Friday, November 27, 2009
Iran nuclear crisis: are new sanctions on the way
The latest criticism of Iran by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is another sign that new sanctions could be on the way.
The IAEA resolution, censuring Iran's secret construction of another uranium enrichment plant, was supported by Russia and China.
This does not mean they will join in a new round of international measures against Iran. But it does mean that Iran cannot count on them for diplomatic support.
And it possibly indicates that Russia will not supply Iran with the S-300 anti-missile system that Iran has ordered. That would be a sanction in itself.
US President Barack Obama has indicated that he will assess the Iranian position by the end of the year.
If he goes for more sanctions, he will try to get Russia and China on board. If he cannot, he will act with fellow negotiators Britain, France and Germany, plus, he hopes, the whole EU and other players.
Western 'trick'
Only two things could stop such moves. The first is Iranian compliance with the security demands for it to stop uranium enrichment.
This opportunity should be seized and it would be highly regrettable if it was missed
Mohamed ElBaradei
That will not happen, according to Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. He has been consistent on this so it is realistic to believe him.
The other is an agreement on a proposal to take Iran's stockpile of low-enriched uranium (LEU) and send it to Russia and France for conversion into fuel rods for use in Iran's small research reactor in Tehran, which produces isotopes for cancer treatment.
Some Iranian leaders see a trick in this, a way for the West to get hold of its uranium, then keep it.
However the head of the IAEA, Mohamed ElBaradei has said that Iran does have a proposal of its own.
He said this week: "My understanding of Iran's position so far is that it is ready to exchange LEU produced in Iran, in two batches, simultaneously upon receipt of an equivalent amount of fuel for its research reactor.
"Pending receipt of the fuel, Iran is ready to place the LEU under IAEA custody and control, but only in Iran."
Mr ElBaradei, who retires from his post next week, also said: "This opportunity should be seized and it would be highly regrettable if it was missed." This is an understatement.
Target oil
The UN Security Council has approved three rounds of sanctions so far - covering trade in nuclear material, as well as travel and financial restrictions aimed at Iranian organisations and individuals.
If there are to be new sanctions, then the targets will be Iran's oil trade, especially its reliance on imported refined petroleum products, and the buzzword is reinsurance.
Q&A: Iran and the nuclear issue
Nuclear fuel cycle
Reinsurance is the means by which insurers can protect themselves against losses and the idea would be to stop or dissuade companies from proving such services for trade with Iran.
According to Wilkie, Farr and Gallaher, an international law firm, the intent is this: "The Obama Administration's sanctions could affect most Iranian import and export trade.
"[Its] proposals could ban goods, services, technology, information, or other activities that support the importation or production of refined petroleum by Iran, including refinery construction, modernization, and repair."
Some governments might be satisfied with that for the time being, bearing in mind that there is no evidence of actual nuclear bomb-making activity and Iran's statement that it will not build any such device.
However, Israel is not and will not be convinced.
New sanctions would have to be given time to work or not.
So a military strike on Iran's nuclear sites at some stage might be less likely in the shorter term, but cannot be not ruled out.
:Article Source:bbc.co.uk
Brazil enters minefield of Ahmadinejad's visit
President Ahmadinejad's short visit to Brasilia is being seen as a calculated risk for Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. But it promises significant boosts to both leaders.
To the grizzled hawks in Washington it must be something of a nightmare. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is using his first official trip abroad since his contentious reelection in June not to visit traditional allies in the Middle East or Asia, but to do business with Brazil. Considering the United States' traditionally fraught relations with its South American neighbors, the welcoming of an outspoken anti-American leader by President Lula could be seen as a diplomatic minefield.
Ahmadinejad's good relations with Venezuela's openly anti-American regime are well-known. As well as President Hugo Chavez, the Iranian leader has already nurtured relations with Nicaragua's President Daniel Ortega and Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa. But this is the first time an Iranian leader has visited Brazil, a country with major international aspirations.
Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Ahmadinejad has become even more infamous since his contested reelection
The one-day visit is the first leg of a Latin American and African tour that will also take in Venezuela, Bolivia, Gambia and Senegal, and is being seen as part of a concerted Iranian campaign to win influence in parts of the western hemisphere.
Back in May, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called Iran's growing influence in South America "disturbing" and Ahmadinejad was forced to cancel his intended visit to Brazil at the last minute following protests by thousands of demonstrators.
The antipathy to Ahmadinejad has not left Brazil in the interim. Demonstrations organized by homosexual organizations, Jewish leaders, and the opposition group the Front for the Liberation of Iran took place in 15 cities across the country in the last week.
But the international mood has also changed since May. The meeting has the blessing of US President Barack Obama, who, Brazilian diplomats said, asked Lula to begin a dialogue with Ahmadinejad during a meeting in London.
For its part, Brazil has ambitions to raise its profile on the international stage. Currently preparing to take up a rotating seat on the United Nations Security Council next year, Brazil is eager to show it can foster peace talks in the Middle East. Ahmadinejad's visit to Brazil comes barely a week after a visit by Israeli president Shimon Peres, and Lula plans to travel to Israel and the Palestinian territories in March 2010. Eventually, Lula wants Brazil to win a permanent seat on the Security Council.
New business opportunities
There is a lot on the agenda in the short meeting. Ahmadinejad is being accompanied by some 200 Iranian business leaders looking for a range of opportunities from oil to financial investments, and the two leaders are expected to sign 23 commercial agreements.
These new business ties could pose diplomatic difficulties for Lula, since the US and Europe have imposed economic sanctions on Iran. Konstantin Kosten, Iranian policy expert at the German Council on Foreign Relations, told Deutsche Welle that, "Iran could become more dependent on economic relations with South America if the economic relations with the US and Europe continue to degenerate. Iran certainly has a strong interest in expanding its opportunities there."
This means that Lula is under pressure to bring up the darker sides of the Iranian regime at their meeting. But on the perennial issue of Teheran's controversial nuclear program, Lula also faces a minefield. Like Iran, Brazil has a nascent nuclear power industry. "There could certainly be an interest in creating a stronger exchange of atomic technologies between Iran and Brazil," said Kosten.
Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Lula has the valuable backing of Barack Obama
Calculated risk
This is a risk that the Brazilian president has measured carefully. And it is important he has done so. Despite Obama's support for the meeting, there have been plenty of American voices of condemnation. "This is a gross mistake for a respected president of a respected country," US Representative Eliot Engel, a Democrat who is co-chairman of a congressional caucus created to promote better relations with Brazil, said recently, "To elevate Ahmadinejad, when he represses his own people, denies the Holocaust, says he'll wipe Israel off the map - it shows Brazil isn't ready to be taken seriously as a world player."
But Professor Guenther Maihold, research fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, is convinced that such statements will not do Lula long-term damage. "Unlike Chavez, Lula is not taking a loyal and supporting position to Ahmadinejad. He has promised to raise human rights issues, and he has very different views from those of Chavez," he told Deutsche Welle.
Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Ahmadinejad is already an ally of Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez
The meeting comes a week after a Tehran court sentenced five people to death in connection with protests that followed Ahmadinejad's reelection, and Lula will be under pressure should Ahmadinejad choose to make another speech in which he denies the Holocaust.
"It is a learning experience for Lula," said Maihold, "He will learn to understand how the economic interests tied up with the meeting come into conflict with the human rights issues. These are exactly the kinds of conflicts that countries that play leading international roles need to handle."
Kosten agreed: "It could be true that Lula is risking a small part of his image, but he has already said clearly that he wants to speak to everyone, even if some countries disapprove."
It may seem that Ahmadinejad has more to gain economically and diplomatically from finally being received by South America's largest nation - an increasingly important player in world politics. But the Brazilian president has clearly calculated that he does not have much to lose either, and, if he can make a foothold for his ambitious nation in Middle East politics, at least as much to gain.
:Article Source:dw-world.de
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Iran pays for Solomons students to fly to Cuba
TWENTY-FIVE Solomon Islands students will fly to Cuba next week to train as doctors, accompanied by two health officials, thanks to about $107,000 paid by the Iran government for their travel costs.
The money was transmitted earlier this month by the Iranian embassy in Canberra via the ANZ Bank branch in Honiara, the Solomons capital.
But ANZ, which acts as the Solomon Islands government's bank, sent it back, said a bank spokesman, "as part of ANZ's economic and trade sanctions policy", which prevents remittances or transactions involving Iran, Sudan, Syria, North Korea, Burma or Cuba.
The standoff was resolved by the Iranian embassy giving the Solomons high commission in Canberra the aid directly, enabling the latter to use it to pay in Australia for the students' travel.
High commissioner Victor Ngele said last week that "the Australian government is assisting us to resolve this".
:Article Source:theaustralian.com.au
The money was transmitted earlier this month by the Iranian embassy in Canberra via the ANZ Bank branch in Honiara, the Solomons capital.
But ANZ, which acts as the Solomon Islands government's bank, sent it back, said a bank spokesman, "as part of ANZ's economic and trade sanctions policy", which prevents remittances or transactions involving Iran, Sudan, Syria, North Korea, Burma or Cuba.
The standoff was resolved by the Iranian embassy giving the Solomons high commission in Canberra the aid directly, enabling the latter to use it to pay in Australia for the students' travel.
High commissioner Victor Ngele said last week that "the Australian government is assisting us to resolve this".
:Article Source:theaustralian.com.au
Mohsen Makhmalbaf Wins 2009 Freedom to Create Prize
LONDON.- Mohsen Makhmalbaf, the celebrated Iranian filmmaker and official overseas spokesman for 2009 Iranian presidential candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi, has won the 2009 Freedom to Create Prize. The only prize of its kind, the Freedom to Create Prize celebrates the use of the arts to drive change and build the foundations of creativity in broken societies. Bianca Jagger, Founder and Chair of the Bianca Jagger Human Rights Foundation, presented Mr Makhmalbaf with his award at a high profile London ceremony at the Victoria & Albert Museum on 25 November 2009.
Commenting on his award, Makhmalbaf said, “People of my country (Iran) are killed, imprisoned, tortured and raped just for their votes. Every award I receive means an opportunity for me to echo their voices to the world, asking for democracy for Iran and peace for the world.”
Makhmalbaf has written and directed 18 feature films and six short films that have been widely presented in international film festivals over the past 10 years. Time magazine selected his 2001 film, Kandahar, as one of top 100 films of all time. In 2006, he was a juror at the Venice Film Festival.
Following this year’s disputed Iranian elections, Makhmalbaf diverted his attentions from filmmaking to be the voice of defeated presidential candidate Mir-Houssein Moussavi. As police and paramilitaries suppressed peaceful protestors with firearms, batons and pepper spray, and authorities closed universities, banned rallies and blocked websites, Mir-Houssein Moussavi turned to Makhmalbaf for support.
Makhmalbaf’s rise to become leader of the new wave of Iranian cinema came from unlikely beginnings. When he was 15 he formed an underground Islamic militia group and was shot and jailed by the time he was 17. While imprisoned, Makhmalbaf educated himself and underwent an intellectual renaissance after which he distanced himself from violence, believing Iranian society suffers more from cultural poverty than anything else.
His nominating party, ZirZamin, an alternative Iranian media magazine said: “His works were nominated because they promote freedom, understanding, open societies, secular humanism and respect to others. His analysis and depiction tasks people to questions real in everybody’s life and social realism. He is not only a film director but an educationalist, author and analyst.”
Panellist Daniel Barenboim, acclaimed conductor and founder of the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra, said of Makhmalbaf: “His voice has been one of the most important artistic contributions from Iran to world culture over the last decades. His films have given international audiences a window into contemporary Iran. His work in Afghanistan, both artistic and humanitarian, has added valuable facets to the understanding of this troubled country.
He has also fostered a new generation of Iranian filmmakers. Last not least, his support for the recent peaceful protests against the stolen Iranian elections made it more difficult for the regime in Tehran to silence the opposition. Especially in view of the deeply unsettling remarks and intentions of President Ahmadi-Nejad, his efforts to publicize dissenting views deserve support.”
The second place prize winner is Burmese refugee women’s group, The Kumjing Storytellers, who use giant paper maché dolls to represent their stories of ethnic persecution in Burma and the plight of migrants and refugees from around the world. Kumjing, a Tai women's name meaning ‘precious jewel’, is used to represent the women who have migrated to live and work in the Thai-Burmese border areas. Since July this year, the military regime has renewed a scorched earth campaign in central Shan state that has driven more than 10,000 villagers from their homes.
Troops have burned down over 500 houses, scores of granaries and forcibly relocated almost 40 villages. The women in The Kumjing Storytellers are among those who have fled to the Burma-Thai border region, often leaving their families behind. Not simply an artwork, but a living art action, The Journey of Kumjing is a performance in which these persecuted women can tell their stories, challenge discrimination and assert their human rights. Some 250 paper maché-dolls travel across Thailand and the world to raise awareness of their plight. “The message of the piece is one of courage, hope and inspiration. We want to humanize migrants in the eyes of society,” say the women. The Storytellers also want to inspire society to change the way it thinks and behaves towards ‘outsiders’.
The third place prize winner is Afghan female artist Sheenkai Alam Stanikzai, who uses video performance, installation and photography to tackle the subjugation and violent persecution of women in Afghanistan and neighbouring countries. Stanikzai is one of a generation of Afghans who grew up during the Taliban which censored culture and banned music, and her art explores the re-emergence of Afghan spirit after years of oppression. Her installation piece features the myth Chel Dokhtaraan, a historical event when 40 Afghan women committed suicide by jumping into wells during an invasion. Stanikzai believes these ‘honourable’ deaths are “in the past.” She explains: “What is happening today is that women, more than 40, are dying every day in different circumstances.” Her work symbolizes the violent acts – public executions, floggings, stonings and hangings – that are being perpetrated today against females both in Afghanistan and neighbouring countries.
Prize founder and Chairman of Orient Global Richard F. Chandler said he was humbled by the bravery of this year's winners adding their courage and stories epitomised the daily sacrifices made by artists on frontlines from around the world.
"We celebrate not only the power of art to change lives, but also the bravery of artists who use their work to fight oppression and injustice and create a brighter future for all.
"The winners for the 2009 Freedom to Create Prize are global ambassadors for the power of creativity in building peaceful and prosperous societies.”
Article Sourceartdaily.org
Commenting on his award, Makhmalbaf said, “People of my country (Iran) are killed, imprisoned, tortured and raped just for their votes. Every award I receive means an opportunity for me to echo their voices to the world, asking for democracy for Iran and peace for the world.”
Makhmalbaf has written and directed 18 feature films and six short films that have been widely presented in international film festivals over the past 10 years. Time magazine selected his 2001 film, Kandahar, as one of top 100 films of all time. In 2006, he was a juror at the Venice Film Festival.
Following this year’s disputed Iranian elections, Makhmalbaf diverted his attentions from filmmaking to be the voice of defeated presidential candidate Mir-Houssein Moussavi. As police and paramilitaries suppressed peaceful protestors with firearms, batons and pepper spray, and authorities closed universities, banned rallies and blocked websites, Mir-Houssein Moussavi turned to Makhmalbaf for support.
Makhmalbaf’s rise to become leader of the new wave of Iranian cinema came from unlikely beginnings. When he was 15 he formed an underground Islamic militia group and was shot and jailed by the time he was 17. While imprisoned, Makhmalbaf educated himself and underwent an intellectual renaissance after which he distanced himself from violence, believing Iranian society suffers more from cultural poverty than anything else.
His nominating party, ZirZamin, an alternative Iranian media magazine said: “His works were nominated because they promote freedom, understanding, open societies, secular humanism and respect to others. His analysis and depiction tasks people to questions real in everybody’s life and social realism. He is not only a film director but an educationalist, author and analyst.”
Panellist Daniel Barenboim, acclaimed conductor and founder of the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra, said of Makhmalbaf: “His voice has been one of the most important artistic contributions from Iran to world culture over the last decades. His films have given international audiences a window into contemporary Iran. His work in Afghanistan, both artistic and humanitarian, has added valuable facets to the understanding of this troubled country.
He has also fostered a new generation of Iranian filmmakers. Last not least, his support for the recent peaceful protests against the stolen Iranian elections made it more difficult for the regime in Tehran to silence the opposition. Especially in view of the deeply unsettling remarks and intentions of President Ahmadi-Nejad, his efforts to publicize dissenting views deserve support.”
The second place prize winner is Burmese refugee women’s group, The Kumjing Storytellers, who use giant paper maché dolls to represent their stories of ethnic persecution in Burma and the plight of migrants and refugees from around the world. Kumjing, a Tai women's name meaning ‘precious jewel’, is used to represent the women who have migrated to live and work in the Thai-Burmese border areas. Since July this year, the military regime has renewed a scorched earth campaign in central Shan state that has driven more than 10,000 villagers from their homes.
Troops have burned down over 500 houses, scores of granaries and forcibly relocated almost 40 villages. The women in The Kumjing Storytellers are among those who have fled to the Burma-Thai border region, often leaving their families behind. Not simply an artwork, but a living art action, The Journey of Kumjing is a performance in which these persecuted women can tell their stories, challenge discrimination and assert their human rights. Some 250 paper maché-dolls travel across Thailand and the world to raise awareness of their plight. “The message of the piece is one of courage, hope and inspiration. We want to humanize migrants in the eyes of society,” say the women. The Storytellers also want to inspire society to change the way it thinks and behaves towards ‘outsiders’.
The third place prize winner is Afghan female artist Sheenkai Alam Stanikzai, who uses video performance, installation and photography to tackle the subjugation and violent persecution of women in Afghanistan and neighbouring countries. Stanikzai is one of a generation of Afghans who grew up during the Taliban which censored culture and banned music, and her art explores the re-emergence of Afghan spirit after years of oppression. Her installation piece features the myth Chel Dokhtaraan, a historical event when 40 Afghan women committed suicide by jumping into wells during an invasion. Stanikzai believes these ‘honourable’ deaths are “in the past.” She explains: “What is happening today is that women, more than 40, are dying every day in different circumstances.” Her work symbolizes the violent acts – public executions, floggings, stonings and hangings – that are being perpetrated today against females both in Afghanistan and neighbouring countries.
Prize founder and Chairman of Orient Global Richard F. Chandler said he was humbled by the bravery of this year's winners adding their courage and stories epitomised the daily sacrifices made by artists on frontlines from around the world.
"We celebrate not only the power of art to change lives, but also the bravery of artists who use their work to fight oppression and injustice and create a brighter future for all.
"The winners for the 2009 Freedom to Create Prize are global ambassadors for the power of creativity in building peaceful and prosperous societies.”
Article Sourceartdaily.org
Tehran developing ties with Africa and Latin America to get support for its nuclear programme
Ahmadinejad is in Caracas, fourth leg of a five-nation tour (Gambia, Brazil, Bolivia, Venezuela and Senegal). The Iranian president is promoting closer bilateral cooperation and seeking support for his country’s nuclear programme. The visit triggers protests by Venezuelan Jews; for them, he is an “ominous” figure.
Caracas (AsiaNews/Agencies) – Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad arrived in Caracas (Venezuela) today on a five-day tour of Latin America and Africa to promote economic cooperation and trade as well as gain support for his country’s controversial nuclear programme. So far, he has visited Gambia, Brazil and Bolivia, and is expected to travel to Senegal, the last stop before his flight home.
Venezuelan authorities gave the Iranian leader the red carpet ceremony. Ahmadinejad and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez are both critics of the “imperialist” policies of the United States and Israel. During their summit, they plan to discuss ways to strengthen bilateral relations.
Iran’s official news agency, IRNA, said that Tehran and Caracas have already signed 280 agreements, 80 joint projects in the areas of energy, industry and agriculture. The two sides have also agreed to a new visa system. Venezuela will also support Iran’s controversial nuclear programme.
Caracas has accepted Tehran’s contention that it is for peaceful purposes. Both capitals reject Western claims that Iran’s nuclear programme masks plans to build an atomic bomb.
The visit by the Iranian president in Venezuela has led to protests by the local Jewish community, who call him an “ominous” figure who “could cause serious harm to humanity” if not stopped.
For a Jewish group said, the summit “gives legitimacy to a regime about which there are serious doubts over its transparency and legality”.
In previous days, Ahmadinejad got the green light on the nuclear issue from Brazil and Bolivia.
Bolivian President Evo Morales recognised “the legitimate right of all countries to use and develop nuclear energy for peaceful ends.”
The leaders of Iran and Bolivia also signed a deal increasing Iran's involvement in mining research in Bolivia's Salar de Uyuni, a vast salt desert near the Chilean border with the largest lithium deposits in the world, containing up to 100 million tonnes of the metal.
Article Sourceasianews.it
Caracas (AsiaNews/Agencies) – Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad arrived in Caracas (Venezuela) today on a five-day tour of Latin America and Africa to promote economic cooperation and trade as well as gain support for his country’s controversial nuclear programme. So far, he has visited Gambia, Brazil and Bolivia, and is expected to travel to Senegal, the last stop before his flight home.
Venezuelan authorities gave the Iranian leader the red carpet ceremony. Ahmadinejad and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez are both critics of the “imperialist” policies of the United States and Israel. During their summit, they plan to discuss ways to strengthen bilateral relations.
Iran’s official news agency, IRNA, said that Tehran and Caracas have already signed 280 agreements, 80 joint projects in the areas of energy, industry and agriculture. The two sides have also agreed to a new visa system. Venezuela will also support Iran’s controversial nuclear programme.
Caracas has accepted Tehran’s contention that it is for peaceful purposes. Both capitals reject Western claims that Iran’s nuclear programme masks plans to build an atomic bomb.
The visit by the Iranian president in Venezuela has led to protests by the local Jewish community, who call him an “ominous” figure who “could cause serious harm to humanity” if not stopped.
For a Jewish group said, the summit “gives legitimacy to a regime about which there are serious doubts over its transparency and legality”.
In previous days, Ahmadinejad got the green light on the nuclear issue from Brazil and Bolivia.
Bolivian President Evo Morales recognised “the legitimate right of all countries to use and develop nuclear energy for peaceful ends.”
The leaders of Iran and Bolivia also signed a deal increasing Iran's involvement in mining research in Bolivia's Salar de Uyuni, a vast salt desert near the Chilean border with the largest lithium deposits in the world, containing up to 100 million tonnes of the metal.
Article Sourceasianews.it
An American in Iran, 30 Years Later
I had been trying to get into Iran for months. Finally, I got the visa. Ordinarily, we travel in teams to cover stories. Reporter, producer and cameraman. For this maiden voyage to Iran, I was told by my man in Tehran, I would have to go alone. They wanted to establish a level of comfort with my work, so the story went. Or wanted to exercise more robust control over me, maybe. In any event, I signed up for the mission, and arranged to pick up a local crew upon my arrival in Tehran.
The day I arrived was a warmish day in November, 2005, it was Ramadan, or Ramazan, as Iranians call it, the fasting month, as well as the anniversary of the hostage taking at the old U.S. Embassy.
I arrived at six in the morning, having taken an overnight flight from London. Bleary eyed, I donned the obligatory coat women must always have in Iran. The minimum body cover. Other option is the all-enveloping chador which is what the more conservative women wear. Oh, yes, and the headscarf.
I got whisked to the bowels of the airport to get finger printed, a practice Iran calls a reciprocal deal, as Iranians entering America get the same treatment. The uniformed man, whom I took to be a Revolutionary Guard, but who may have been just a sort of police man, had a hard time finding the ink jar. Apparently, it had been a while since he’d had to use it.
When he finally dug it out, we made a real mess together. All 10 fingers fully smeared with black ink. My man in Iran, the one who helped me organize that trip and subsequent ones, Mahmood, had forewarned me. I was carrying baby wipes. But the ink was stubborn.
As I made my way back upstairs to meet Mahmood, the man who had taken my prints started to bark that my headscarf had slipped. So with inky hands, I tried to slide it back up, from the back of my head, an akward move, which always ends up displacing more offending hair.
Mahmood met me in the Commercially Important Persons lounge or CIP section. A CIP I am not. But it was Tehran’s version of a fast track service through customs, which, several usages later, I have determined is actually the slow way to go, but nevermind.
Desperately thirsty now, this was Ramazan, so water would have to wait. Theoretically, being non-Muslim, I could have had something. But this being a sensitive trip, I figured best not to risk antagonizing anyone.
A small army of cameramen and soundmen and soundmen’s assistants joined us. Off we went to the old U.S. Embassy, otherwise known as the Nest of Spies, for the demonstration held each year on the anniversary of the hostage taking.
Because the event was segregated, my camera crew deposited me on the women’s side. They went off to the male-only side.
American flags were on fire, but the crowd hardly was. It was not overwhelming in size. And did not look like it could explode into a riot or anything more than a chant-in.
The women in my section were all in chadors, with green headbands. They were mostly students. They just stared at me.
“Death to America!” the crowds, which I estimate were in the hundreds, shouted. It's a well-rehearsed refrain for this crowd, most of whom, it is said, were bused in for the event. You get brownie points at University for supporting such state-sponsored events.
The girls kept staring at me. Finally, one approached. “Where are you from?” she asked, in halting English. I just pointed to a U.S. flag in flames. She smiled, her face lighting up.
“Really? Welcome in Iran!” The young women did not see the contradiction an American might feel between the event, and a greeting of welcome. Smiles quickly spread through the crowd. They were clearly happy to see me, for whatever reason. I do believe the reason is that Iranians genuinely seem to like Americans, despite the fact that many take issue with U.S. foreign policy. Then again, many don’t like Americans and the U.S. form of government.
I got a few lectures about bullying Yankees, and injustices in Iraq and Palestine. And then, “We really hope you have many successes in our country.”
It was surreal. The party ended. The assembled crowds packed up and left. That was it. No after party. No street skirmishes. It all felt stage managed.
During that first trip to Iran, impressions were many and strong. A day later, I went to a fancy restaurant with a buffet that had a row of flags from all countries in the world as a decoration, as if to welcome international visitors. Absent, however, was the American flag. I was with my Iranian crew and Mahmood. The manager came over to ask where I was from, because he wanted to plant my country’s flag as a centerpiece on the table. We joked that my flags had all been burned. I felt compelled to make it into a bit of a joke, because I knew that man would be mortified when I told him I was American, and that he didn’t have my flag in his restaurant. And he was. As I knew he was happy to have me in his restaurant, I didn’t want to make him feel badly. It wasn’t his idea to burn flags. And my sense was, he has never gone to one of those anti-American demonstrations.
Turns out lots of nice restaurants in Iran embrace the flag theme. So it became a recurring episode of awkwardness. M’aitre d’s asking me where I was from. Me saying America. They being embarrassed they did not have my flag to plant on my table. At one place, when I told them I was from the U.S., the waiter brought out a little plate of caviar from the Caspian Sea for me. I am pretty sure that is also a well-practiced routine, acted out for all foreigners. But to me, being an American and being served a bit of precious caviar as a gesture in Iran, meant a whole lot.
Article Sourcefoxnews.com
The day I arrived was a warmish day in November, 2005, it was Ramadan, or Ramazan, as Iranians call it, the fasting month, as well as the anniversary of the hostage taking at the old U.S. Embassy.
I arrived at six in the morning, having taken an overnight flight from London. Bleary eyed, I donned the obligatory coat women must always have in Iran. The minimum body cover. Other option is the all-enveloping chador which is what the more conservative women wear. Oh, yes, and the headscarf.
I got whisked to the bowels of the airport to get finger printed, a practice Iran calls a reciprocal deal, as Iranians entering America get the same treatment. The uniformed man, whom I took to be a Revolutionary Guard, but who may have been just a sort of police man, had a hard time finding the ink jar. Apparently, it had been a while since he’d had to use it.
When he finally dug it out, we made a real mess together. All 10 fingers fully smeared with black ink. My man in Iran, the one who helped me organize that trip and subsequent ones, Mahmood, had forewarned me. I was carrying baby wipes. But the ink was stubborn.
As I made my way back upstairs to meet Mahmood, the man who had taken my prints started to bark that my headscarf had slipped. So with inky hands, I tried to slide it back up, from the back of my head, an akward move, which always ends up displacing more offending hair.
Mahmood met me in the Commercially Important Persons lounge or CIP section. A CIP I am not. But it was Tehran’s version of a fast track service through customs, which, several usages later, I have determined is actually the slow way to go, but nevermind.
Desperately thirsty now, this was Ramazan, so water would have to wait. Theoretically, being non-Muslim, I could have had something. But this being a sensitive trip, I figured best not to risk antagonizing anyone.
A small army of cameramen and soundmen and soundmen’s assistants joined us. Off we went to the old U.S. Embassy, otherwise known as the Nest of Spies, for the demonstration held each year on the anniversary of the hostage taking.
Because the event was segregated, my camera crew deposited me on the women’s side. They went off to the male-only side.
American flags were on fire, but the crowd hardly was. It was not overwhelming in size. And did not look like it could explode into a riot or anything more than a chant-in.
The women in my section were all in chadors, with green headbands. They were mostly students. They just stared at me.
“Death to America!” the crowds, which I estimate were in the hundreds, shouted. It's a well-rehearsed refrain for this crowd, most of whom, it is said, were bused in for the event. You get brownie points at University for supporting such state-sponsored events.
The girls kept staring at me. Finally, one approached. “Where are you from?” she asked, in halting English. I just pointed to a U.S. flag in flames. She smiled, her face lighting up.
“Really? Welcome in Iran!” The young women did not see the contradiction an American might feel between the event, and a greeting of welcome. Smiles quickly spread through the crowd. They were clearly happy to see me, for whatever reason. I do believe the reason is that Iranians genuinely seem to like Americans, despite the fact that many take issue with U.S. foreign policy. Then again, many don’t like Americans and the U.S. form of government.
I got a few lectures about bullying Yankees, and injustices in Iraq and Palestine. And then, “We really hope you have many successes in our country.”
It was surreal. The party ended. The assembled crowds packed up and left. That was it. No after party. No street skirmishes. It all felt stage managed.
During that first trip to Iran, impressions were many and strong. A day later, I went to a fancy restaurant with a buffet that had a row of flags from all countries in the world as a decoration, as if to welcome international visitors. Absent, however, was the American flag. I was with my Iranian crew and Mahmood. The manager came over to ask where I was from, because he wanted to plant my country’s flag as a centerpiece on the table. We joked that my flags had all been burned. I felt compelled to make it into a bit of a joke, because I knew that man would be mortified when I told him I was American, and that he didn’t have my flag in his restaurant. And he was. As I knew he was happy to have me in his restaurant, I didn’t want to make him feel badly. It wasn’t his idea to burn flags. And my sense was, he has never gone to one of those anti-American demonstrations.
Turns out lots of nice restaurants in Iran embrace the flag theme. So it became a recurring episode of awkwardness. M’aitre d’s asking me where I was from. Me saying America. They being embarrassed they did not have my flag to plant on my table. At one place, when I told them I was from the U.S., the waiter brought out a little plate of caviar from the Caspian Sea for me. I am pretty sure that is also a well-practiced routine, acted out for all foreigners. But to me, being an American and being served a bit of precious caviar as a gesture in Iran, meant a whole lot.
Article Sourcefoxnews.com
West fears Iran may reverse-engineer S-300 system
MP Mohammad Karami-Rad has stated that the West is afraid that Iran may reverse-engineer the S-300 missile system.
The Westerners are afraid that Iran may begin producing its own version of the S-300 missile system and thus increase its military might, he said on Saturday.
Karami-Rad, who is also a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said that certain Western countries are trying to scupper contracts signed by Tehran and Moscow, which should have been implemented six months ago.
The MP advised Russian officials to not allow the Westerners to undermine ties between Tehran and Moscow.
West impeding delivery of S-300 missiles
MP Hassan Sobhaninia says that the West is impeding the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
“The United States and certain Western countries are afraid that the contracts between Iran and Russia in the economic, political, and military spheres will increase Iran’s political and military might. Thus, they are making efforts to impede the implementation of these contracts,” Sobhaninia told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
The Islamic Republic of Iran can greatly enhance its military might with these missiles, and this has made Westerners worried, said the MP, who is a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee.
Sobhaninia also stated that Iran and Russia are cooperating on a variety of issues, including civilian nuclear technology.
The S-300 system, which can track targets and fire at aircraft 120 kilometers (75 miles) away, features high jamming immunity and is able to simultaneously engage up to 100 targets.
The truck-mounted S-300PMU1, known in the West as the SA-20, can shoot down cruise missiles and aircraft. It can fire at targets up to 150 km (90 miles) away and travel at more than two km per second.
Russia’s image would be tarnished by delay in delivery of S-300 system
The Iranian chairman of the Iran-Russia Parliamentary Friendship Group stated that a delay in delivering the S-300 missiles would tarnish Russia’s image in Iran.
MP Mahdi Sanaei made the remarks in an interview with ISNA on Saturday.
He stated that other countries will no longer trust Russia if it does not fulfill its commitments in regard to the contract for the S-300 system.
Iran should not put all its eggs in one basket in its foreign policy by relying too much on Russia because Russia is not dependable, Sanaei added.
Moscow should heed public opinion in Iran
Political analyst and university professor Mahdi Motahharnia has said that Russia should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran.
“If Russia is concerned about its long-term interests in the region, it should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran about its policies on Iran,” he told ISNA on Saturday.
Motahharnia stated that public opinion in Iran has become sensitive to Russia’s policies on Iran, and more and more Iranians are beginning to believe that Russia is not honest in its dealings with Iran.
Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in near future
Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee Chairman Alaeddin Boroujerdi has said that Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in the near future.
Nevertheless, the Russians should still fulfill their commitments, he told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
He also urged Russia to fulfill its commitments and to stop delaying the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
Boroujerdi stated that he recently had a meeting with the Russian ambassador to Iran and the ambassador agreed that both sides should fulfill their commitments.
Elsewhere in his remarks, the MP said that Russia should also complete the Bushehr nuclear power plant by the end of the Iranian calendar year (March 20, 2010)
Article Sourcetehrantimes.com
The Westerners are afraid that Iran may begin producing its own version of the S-300 missile system and thus increase its military might, he said on Saturday.
Karami-Rad, who is also a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said that certain Western countries are trying to scupper contracts signed by Tehran and Moscow, which should have been implemented six months ago.
The MP advised Russian officials to not allow the Westerners to undermine ties between Tehran and Moscow.
West impeding delivery of S-300 missiles
MP Hassan Sobhaninia says that the West is impeding the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
“The United States and certain Western countries are afraid that the contracts between Iran and Russia in the economic, political, and military spheres will increase Iran’s political and military might. Thus, they are making efforts to impede the implementation of these contracts,” Sobhaninia told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
The Islamic Republic of Iran can greatly enhance its military might with these missiles, and this has made Westerners worried, said the MP, who is a member of the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee.
Sobhaninia also stated that Iran and Russia are cooperating on a variety of issues, including civilian nuclear technology.
The S-300 system, which can track targets and fire at aircraft 120 kilometers (75 miles) away, features high jamming immunity and is able to simultaneously engage up to 100 targets.
The truck-mounted S-300PMU1, known in the West as the SA-20, can shoot down cruise missiles and aircraft. It can fire at targets up to 150 km (90 miles) away and travel at more than two km per second.
Russia’s image would be tarnished by delay in delivery of S-300 system
The Iranian chairman of the Iran-Russia Parliamentary Friendship Group stated that a delay in delivering the S-300 missiles would tarnish Russia’s image in Iran.
MP Mahdi Sanaei made the remarks in an interview with ISNA on Saturday.
He stated that other countries will no longer trust Russia if it does not fulfill its commitments in regard to the contract for the S-300 system.
Iran should not put all its eggs in one basket in its foreign policy by relying too much on Russia because Russia is not dependable, Sanaei added.
Moscow should heed public opinion in Iran
Political analyst and university professor Mahdi Motahharnia has said that Russia should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran.
“If Russia is concerned about its long-term interests in the region, it should not be indifferent to public opinion in Iran about its policies on Iran,” he told ISNA on Saturday.
Motahharnia stated that public opinion in Iran has become sensitive to Russia’s policies on Iran, and more and more Iranians are beginning to believe that Russia is not honest in its dealings with Iran.
Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in near future
Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Committee Chairman Alaeddin Boroujerdi has said that Iran will be able to produce S-300 missiles in the near future.
Nevertheless, the Russians should still fulfill their commitments, he told the Mehr News Agency on Saturday.
He also urged Russia to fulfill its commitments and to stop delaying the delivery of S-300 missiles to Iran.
Boroujerdi stated that he recently had a meeting with the Russian ambassador to Iran and the ambassador agreed that both sides should fulfill their commitments.
Elsewhere in his remarks, the MP said that Russia should also complete the Bushehr nuclear power plant by the end of the Iranian calendar year (March 20, 2010)
Article Sourcetehrantimes.com
Victoria and Albert Museum and Iran Heritage Foundation announce the creation of a new post
The V&A Museum and Iran Heritage Foundation are delighted to announce that Dr. Moya Carey will become the Iran Heritage Foundation Curator, Iran Collections, in the Asian Department of the V&A. This new curatorial role is one of a series of positions created as part of Iran Heritage Foundation's new programme of developing strategic partnerships with major academic and cultural organisations.
"Dr. Carey brings a wonderful combination of expertise, imagination and an in-depth knowledge of Iranian art and culture," said newly appointed Iran Heritage Foundation Executive Director, Dr. Ladan Akbarnia. "Coming from a curatorial background myself, I am particularly excited about this important position and I look forward to supporting Dr. Carey in her new role."
Of Dr. Carey's appointment, Mark Jones, Director of the V&A, said: "The V&A and Iran Heritage Foundation have a long history of collaboration. The appointment of Dr. Carey was made possible through a generous grant from the Iran Heritage Foundation and will enable the V&A, for the first time, to devote the resources of a full time curator to its considerable Iranian collections."
About Dr Moya Carey
Dr Carey earned her doctorate from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London in 2001. Since then, she has worked for a number of organisations with important Iranian collections, including the Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection in Geneva, the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin and the British Museum in London; she has also taught at university level at Aga Khan University, SOAS, and at the Sotheby's Institute and Birkbeck College.
About the Iran Heritage Foundation
The Iran Heritage Foundation is a UK registered charity and the leading supporter of Iranian studies in the UK. It promotes academic research through fellowships, grants, scholarships and publications. In association with museums and leading institutions, the Iran Heritage Foundation organises exhibitions and convenes conferences on the history and contemporary culture of Iran.
Since its inception in 1995, the Iran Heritage Foundation has organised or supported 40 conferences, 36 multi disciplinary events and exhibitions, and 62 film and performing arts festivals and events. It has facilitated the study and understanding of Iran's history and contemporary culture through 59 academic and travel grants, 65 cultural and academic publications, and 7 university fellowships. Previous events include 'Shah 'Abbas: The Remaking of Iran' at the British Museum, 2009; 'Iran: New Voices' at the Contemporary Iranian Theatre, Film and Video Art Festival, Barbican, 2009; 'Iranian Contemporary Art and Culture' - the first ever exhibition of contemporary Iranian art in Europe - at the Barbican, 2001; and 'Women: The Heart of Iranian Cinema' at the Film Festival and Conference, BFI, 2002.
www.iranheritage.org
About Victoria and Albert Museum
The V&A is the world's greatest museum of art and design with collections unrivalled in their scope and diversity. It was established to make works of art available to all and to inspire British designers and manufacturers. Today, the V&A's collections, which span over 2000 years of human creativity in virtually every medium and from many parts of the world, continue to intrigue, inspire and inform. The V&A has one of the most extensive and renowned Middle East collections in the world with an extensive Iranian component.
Article Sourcepayvand.com
"Dr. Carey brings a wonderful combination of expertise, imagination and an in-depth knowledge of Iranian art and culture," said newly appointed Iran Heritage Foundation Executive Director, Dr. Ladan Akbarnia. "Coming from a curatorial background myself, I am particularly excited about this important position and I look forward to supporting Dr. Carey in her new role."
Of Dr. Carey's appointment, Mark Jones, Director of the V&A, said: "The V&A and Iran Heritage Foundation have a long history of collaboration. The appointment of Dr. Carey was made possible through a generous grant from the Iran Heritage Foundation and will enable the V&A, for the first time, to devote the resources of a full time curator to its considerable Iranian collections."
About Dr Moya Carey
Dr Carey earned her doctorate from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London in 2001. Since then, she has worked for a number of organisations with important Iranian collections, including the Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection in Geneva, the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin and the British Museum in London; she has also taught at university level at Aga Khan University, SOAS, and at the Sotheby's Institute and Birkbeck College.
About the Iran Heritage Foundation
The Iran Heritage Foundation is a UK registered charity and the leading supporter of Iranian studies in the UK. It promotes academic research through fellowships, grants, scholarships and publications. In association with museums and leading institutions, the Iran Heritage Foundation organises exhibitions and convenes conferences on the history and contemporary culture of Iran.
Since its inception in 1995, the Iran Heritage Foundation has organised or supported 40 conferences, 36 multi disciplinary events and exhibitions, and 62 film and performing arts festivals and events. It has facilitated the study and understanding of Iran's history and contemporary culture through 59 academic and travel grants, 65 cultural and academic publications, and 7 university fellowships. Previous events include 'Shah 'Abbas: The Remaking of Iran' at the British Museum, 2009; 'Iran: New Voices' at the Contemporary Iranian Theatre, Film and Video Art Festival, Barbican, 2009; 'Iranian Contemporary Art and Culture' - the first ever exhibition of contemporary Iranian art in Europe - at the Barbican, 2001; and 'Women: The Heart of Iranian Cinema' at the Film Festival and Conference, BFI, 2002.
www.iranheritage.org
About Victoria and Albert Museum
The V&A is the world's greatest museum of art and design with collections unrivalled in their scope and diversity. It was established to make works of art available to all and to inspire British designers and manufacturers. Today, the V&A's collections, which span over 2000 years of human creativity in virtually every medium and from many parts of the world, continue to intrigue, inspire and inform. The V&A has one of the most extensive and renowned Middle East collections in the world with an extensive Iranian component.
Article Sourcepayvand.com
Afghan withdrawal would be folly
At the base of the 1st Battalion 5th US Marine Expeditionary Brigade at Garamsir in south Helmand they have a slogan on their T-shirts guaranteed to enrage Caroline Lucas and Simon Jenkins, two of Cif's most recent commentators on Afghanistan.
"Just do Marja" it reads. Marja is a quilt of small fertile plots just south and west of Lashkar Gah, the current provincial capital of Helmand. Like the irrigation channels that feed the fields of Marja, Lashkar Gah is largely the creation of a huge project by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) that made Helmand the bread basket of Afghanistan, and a magnet for tourism even.
Marja has become one of the big poppy growing plots of the world. Today it is largely under Taliban control, who run their "parallel government" there by night – which means robbing the farmers in the name of Islamic taxation, closing schools and demanding tribute in food, warm clothing, and young recruits for their jihad. It is also a centre for assembling IED roadside bombs, which they lay with astonishing deftness and speed.
Marja will be the first target of the Marine Expeditionary Unit now expected here before Christmas as a result of President Obama's anticipated announcement that he will send an extra 30,000 US military personnel to Afghanistan for the next two years. Squeezing Taliban out of Marja, and then Nad-e-Ali to the north, will remove the threat to commerce and farming along the west bank of the Helmand river.
Lashkar Gah is thriving and buzzing, compared with two years ago, when I was last here. The bazaars are booming full of all kinds of produce, a new line in iron bedsteads, small wheat-milling machines, and hundreds of motorbikes – most made in kits in China and assembled in Iran. Farmers and merchants now travel to Gereshk to the north and to Kandahar, less than three hours away. They say the roads are pretty safe, bar the risk of the odd rogue roadblock manned by Taliban or renegade Afghan police.
Lashkar Gah is at the centre of a security bubble or "protected development area" – a key concept of the "ink spot" approach of counter-insurgency theory and practice, recently retooled by General Stanley McChrystal. You take the main centres, such as Lashkar Gah, Garmsir, Gereshk and Musa Qala in Helmand, and protect them with international and then local forces. Confidence and commerce grow, and in time the different areas link together.
The problem, however, is that Afghanistan today defies all such generalities: the whole story is a patchwork quilt, a mosaic, of quirky and contradictory detail. Security and commerce, and even schooling and health, are visibly improving in many parts of Helmand, till now dubbed Afghanistan's most violent province. The Americans and the British are not being "defeated", though they are facing casualties. But to declare any kind of victory would be daft and dangerous. While there are signs of improvement in Helmand, elsewhere there is more than enough evidence that things are getting worse – as Carlotta Gall's report from Kunduz in today's New York Times highlights.
The McChrystal counter-insurgency is already being implemented, and showing signs of working particularly here in central Helmand. Roads are being secured, clinics and schools opened, courts and local councils set up. Communities are swinging from Taliban loyalty to supporting the government, but after nearly 50 years of war and violence they're hedging their bets. Almost all generalisations from the pundits and panjandrums in London, Washington an all points north seem vapid before the complexity of the facts here on the ground.
This struck most forcibly when yesterday I visited Nawa, between Lashkar Gah and Garmsir. It's not so much a one-horse town as a one-ditch town, with its bazaar strung out on a dirt and tarmac track alongside a slow-running, but remarkably clear irrigation ditch.
Until June the place was home to 60 British soldiers training a company of Afghan army troops. They were holed up in the barracks where they exchanged fire with Taliban in the surrounding orchards and bazaar on a daily basis. Last July the US marines arrived, staked out the place with a company of 300 troops, and a fortnight later drove the Taliban off with a full battalion attack of more than 1,000 ground forces with air and helicopter support.
Today the bazaar is booming. On the eve of Eid, the festival of joy and celebration at the end of the hajj, more than 80 shops were open – the Taliban had closed all but about six – selling fresh fruit, sweets, mobile phones, and the electricity from a sun panel to power them. The township has its own community council. But seven weeks ago the Taliban kidnapped its head, then executed him out in the desert, and shot two other councillors in their office. At first the rest of the council stayed away, but lately most meetings get a quorum of 25 out of the remaining 42.
"Every day of peace is like Eid," Haj Mohammed Khan, the clerk to the council told me. He continued:
The marines brought peace because the British didn't have the numbers. If you go away again, the violence will be much worse. There will be a disaster, the world will come here again to fight in a really big war.
You left twice before – and let in the mujahideen and what came after. This time it will be far worse.
His words had a strange echo from Captain Brian Huysman of Charlie Company, 1st Battalion 5th Marines, whose 70 men are helping the rebuilding and renovation of the council offices and barracks at Nawa. He was asked by a colleague to compare his experience of Helmand with two tours in Iraq at Fallujah and then running a community centre for five months of 2005 in Ramadi ("a complete failure" in his words). He said:
At least I get the feeling we're winning, which I didn't there. The answer is in the approach to the people, getting in among the people, and here we eat in the bazaar every day. Get the approach right and then the force numbers right, that's the key.
"Yes, and that's the way we will be doing things for the next 15 or 20 years, and it's what every grunt and general needs to learn now," added his colleague Major Val Jackson, a US marines civil affairs officer.
Nawa, last year the heart of Helmand darkness, now seems to point the way to the future for the Afghans here, and to how the international support agencies, not just the military, can help and then get out.
The problems are still complex and enormous, not least the issues raised by the complexion of the Karzai administration, its legitimacy and the corrosive nature of the drugs trade. But there are signs of forward momentum, and this should be helped by the modest reinforcements of troops and aid due to be announced next week. The task has been likened to by an NGO colleague to her experiences in working in Cambodia after the psychopathic rule of the Khmer Rouge. "So much was completely broken here by the mujahideen civil war and then the Taliban."
To quit now, as Jenkins and Lucas recommend, would be sheer folly – and a folly which would have direct impact on homeland Europe, UK and America even. I agree with Jenkins on one thing: Whitehall, Westminster and large parts of Washington are blanketed in a cloud of passivity and pessimism about Afghanistan. The complexities of the picture on the ground elude commentators who come her in flying visits with high powered delegations of high powered ambassadors and generals, whose helicopter wheels let alone feet barely touch the ground.
Afghanistan could still go either way, but the indicators from my snapshot visits round Helmand this past week are not all negative. The problem is that the argument is likely to be won and lost in the dining rooms of London and Washington and not in the fields and bazaars of Afghanistan. This is being conditioned by the enormous gap of perception between the metropolitan commentators at home and the reporters and workers out on the ground here. We are not so much worlds apart, but operating on different planets.
Article Sourceguardian.co.uk
"Just do Marja" it reads. Marja is a quilt of small fertile plots just south and west of Lashkar Gah, the current provincial capital of Helmand. Like the irrigation channels that feed the fields of Marja, Lashkar Gah is largely the creation of a huge project by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) that made Helmand the bread basket of Afghanistan, and a magnet for tourism even.
Marja has become one of the big poppy growing plots of the world. Today it is largely under Taliban control, who run their "parallel government" there by night – which means robbing the farmers in the name of Islamic taxation, closing schools and demanding tribute in food, warm clothing, and young recruits for their jihad. It is also a centre for assembling IED roadside bombs, which they lay with astonishing deftness and speed.
Marja will be the first target of the Marine Expeditionary Unit now expected here before Christmas as a result of President Obama's anticipated announcement that he will send an extra 30,000 US military personnel to Afghanistan for the next two years. Squeezing Taliban out of Marja, and then Nad-e-Ali to the north, will remove the threat to commerce and farming along the west bank of the Helmand river.
Lashkar Gah is thriving and buzzing, compared with two years ago, when I was last here. The bazaars are booming full of all kinds of produce, a new line in iron bedsteads, small wheat-milling machines, and hundreds of motorbikes – most made in kits in China and assembled in Iran. Farmers and merchants now travel to Gereshk to the north and to Kandahar, less than three hours away. They say the roads are pretty safe, bar the risk of the odd rogue roadblock manned by Taliban or renegade Afghan police.
Lashkar Gah is at the centre of a security bubble or "protected development area" – a key concept of the "ink spot" approach of counter-insurgency theory and practice, recently retooled by General Stanley McChrystal. You take the main centres, such as Lashkar Gah, Garmsir, Gereshk and Musa Qala in Helmand, and protect them with international and then local forces. Confidence and commerce grow, and in time the different areas link together.
The problem, however, is that Afghanistan today defies all such generalities: the whole story is a patchwork quilt, a mosaic, of quirky and contradictory detail. Security and commerce, and even schooling and health, are visibly improving in many parts of Helmand, till now dubbed Afghanistan's most violent province. The Americans and the British are not being "defeated", though they are facing casualties. But to declare any kind of victory would be daft and dangerous. While there are signs of improvement in Helmand, elsewhere there is more than enough evidence that things are getting worse – as Carlotta Gall's report from Kunduz in today's New York Times highlights.
The McChrystal counter-insurgency is already being implemented, and showing signs of working particularly here in central Helmand. Roads are being secured, clinics and schools opened, courts and local councils set up. Communities are swinging from Taliban loyalty to supporting the government, but after nearly 50 years of war and violence they're hedging their bets. Almost all generalisations from the pundits and panjandrums in London, Washington an all points north seem vapid before the complexity of the facts here on the ground.
This struck most forcibly when yesterday I visited Nawa, between Lashkar Gah and Garmsir. It's not so much a one-horse town as a one-ditch town, with its bazaar strung out on a dirt and tarmac track alongside a slow-running, but remarkably clear irrigation ditch.
Until June the place was home to 60 British soldiers training a company of Afghan army troops. They were holed up in the barracks where they exchanged fire with Taliban in the surrounding orchards and bazaar on a daily basis. Last July the US marines arrived, staked out the place with a company of 300 troops, and a fortnight later drove the Taliban off with a full battalion attack of more than 1,000 ground forces with air and helicopter support.
Today the bazaar is booming. On the eve of Eid, the festival of joy and celebration at the end of the hajj, more than 80 shops were open – the Taliban had closed all but about six – selling fresh fruit, sweets, mobile phones, and the electricity from a sun panel to power them. The township has its own community council. But seven weeks ago the Taliban kidnapped its head, then executed him out in the desert, and shot two other councillors in their office. At first the rest of the council stayed away, but lately most meetings get a quorum of 25 out of the remaining 42.
"Every day of peace is like Eid," Haj Mohammed Khan, the clerk to the council told me. He continued:
The marines brought peace because the British didn't have the numbers. If you go away again, the violence will be much worse. There will be a disaster, the world will come here again to fight in a really big war.
You left twice before – and let in the mujahideen and what came after. This time it will be far worse.
His words had a strange echo from Captain Brian Huysman of Charlie Company, 1st Battalion 5th Marines, whose 70 men are helping the rebuilding and renovation of the council offices and barracks at Nawa. He was asked by a colleague to compare his experience of Helmand with two tours in Iraq at Fallujah and then running a community centre for five months of 2005 in Ramadi ("a complete failure" in his words). He said:
At least I get the feeling we're winning, which I didn't there. The answer is in the approach to the people, getting in among the people, and here we eat in the bazaar every day. Get the approach right and then the force numbers right, that's the key.
"Yes, and that's the way we will be doing things for the next 15 or 20 years, and it's what every grunt and general needs to learn now," added his colleague Major Val Jackson, a US marines civil affairs officer.
Nawa, last year the heart of Helmand darkness, now seems to point the way to the future for the Afghans here, and to how the international support agencies, not just the military, can help and then get out.
The problems are still complex and enormous, not least the issues raised by the complexion of the Karzai administration, its legitimacy and the corrosive nature of the drugs trade. But there are signs of forward momentum, and this should be helped by the modest reinforcements of troops and aid due to be announced next week. The task has been likened to by an NGO colleague to her experiences in working in Cambodia after the psychopathic rule of the Khmer Rouge. "So much was completely broken here by the mujahideen civil war and then the Taliban."
To quit now, as Jenkins and Lucas recommend, would be sheer folly – and a folly which would have direct impact on homeland Europe, UK and America even. I agree with Jenkins on one thing: Whitehall, Westminster and large parts of Washington are blanketed in a cloud of passivity and pessimism about Afghanistan. The complexities of the picture on the ground elude commentators who come her in flying visits with high powered delegations of high powered ambassadors and generals, whose helicopter wheels let alone feet barely touch the ground.
Afghanistan could still go either way, but the indicators from my snapshot visits round Helmand this past week are not all negative. The problem is that the argument is likely to be won and lost in the dining rooms of London and Washington and not in the fields and bazaars of Afghanistan. This is being conditioned by the enormous gap of perception between the metropolitan commentators at home and the reporters and workers out on the ground here. We are not so much worlds apart, but operating on different planets.
Article Sourceguardian.co.uk
Iran to host International Middle-East Tourism Marketing Expo
Iran's UNWTO registered Middle-East Tourism Marketing Expo is to be held in Shiraz to offer a new look at the regions tourism industry.
Iran's 6th International Middle-East Tourism Marketing Expo, which has been registered by the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), is the largest tourism event in the region.
The exhibit hosts travel industry professionals, representing over 15 countries. Participants in the event include the airline and cruise ship industry, media, tourism, advertising, hotel management and marketing sector.
The International Middle-East Tourism Marketing Expo in Shiraz provides opportunities for members of the regional travel industry to meet, network, negotiate, conduct business and discuss the latest developments in relevant fields.
The event is to be attended by 160 pavilions from the private and public sectors of 15 countries along with Iran's Kish, Qeshm and Chabahar free trade zones.
Iran's Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organization and the country's International Exhibitions Cooperative have sponsored the exhibition, which is to be held from November 26th to 29th, in the historical city of Shiraz.
Article Sourceeturbonews.com
Iran H1N1 flu death toll at 100
TEHERAN - ANOTHER 42 people have died of H1N1 flu in Iran over the past week, raising the Islamic republic's death toll from the illness to 100, ISNA news agency reported on Wednesday.
'During the past week, 42 people died of A(H1N1) flu. Most of them had previous records of heart and respiratory diseases,' a health ministry report said, quoted by ISNA.
It said a total of 3,128 people have now been diagnosed with the illness in Iran, where a first H1N1 flu death was reported on August 26 as that of a 36-year-old woman drug addict.
Iran has placed restrictions on Muslims planning to travel to Mecca in Saudi Arabia for the annual hajj pilgrimage later this month. -- AFP
Article Sourcestraitstimes.com
'During the past week, 42 people died of A(H1N1) flu. Most of them had previous records of heart and respiratory diseases,' a health ministry report said, quoted by ISNA.
It said a total of 3,128 people have now been diagnosed with the illness in Iran, where a first H1N1 flu death was reported on August 26 as that of a 36-year-old woman drug addict.
Iran has placed restrictions on Muslims planning to travel to Mecca in Saudi Arabia for the annual hajj pilgrimage later this month. -- AFP
Article Sourcestraitstimes.com
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